Lessons from the Front
- Robert Sherman
- 5 days ago
- 4 min read
Good day, from Tel Aviv.
If you’re a subscriber to Politico Playbook, you may have noticed something in Thursday morning’s edition:
“FIRST IN PLAYBOOK — NewsNation White House correspondent Robert Sherman is releasing his first book, “Lessons from the Front: A Rookie War Correspondent in Ukraine and Israel.” The book will detail his career in journalism and experience on the front lines covering the war in Ukraine and conflict in the Middle East.”
Or, perhaps you read the write-up from NewsNation partner The Hill.
Yes, it’s an exciting day. My first book, detailing my time spent in Ukraine and the Middle East and the life lessons learned along the way, will be hitting shelves this fall. You can pre-order the book through Amazon, Barnes and Noble or Bloomsbury.
A special thank-you to the publishing team at Bloomsbury for making this pipe dream a possibility.
I was 25 years old when Russia invaded Ukraine. That day changed my life. I wasn’t ready to go into a conflict zone, though I’m not sure one ever can be. Even a year later, I wasn’t prepared for the Oct. 7 attack in Israel. This book will take you through the two biggest wars of the decade from the perspective of someone who was inexperienced at war.
My time in Ukraine and the Middle East has taught me many lessons about life and given me a new perspective on the world. I hope you find value in the lessons and stories I’ll be sharing when the book hits shelves Oct. 30.
Now, back to the news out of the region.
Deal or No Deal
After days of meetings in Washington, D.C., we still do not have a deal in Gaza. As things stand, negotiations are working towards a 60-day ceasefire in which some of the hostages would be released from Gaza, not all. That means if all goes according to plan, there would need to be another deal or arrangement made after 60 days to get the hostages out — far from ideal for the hostages’ families.
Nevertheless, all sides are pointing to “progress.”
Special envoy Steve Witkoff publicly said during a Cabinet meeting with President Donald Trump that at the beginning of the week, there were four major sticking points separating Israel and Hamas from a deal. Negotiations have apparently resolved three of them. That leaves just one to go.
Based on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s comments, we have an idea of what it is. And it’s a big one.
“We are currently trying to secure the release of half of the living and deceased hostages in exchange for a temporary 60-day ceasefire,” Netanyahu said in a video statement. “At the beginning of that ceasefire, negotiations will begin on a permanent end to the war — that is, a permanent ceasefire. But to achieve that, it must be done under the minimal conditions we’ve set: Hamas must lay down its arms, Gaza must be demilitarized, and Hamas can no longer have any military or governing capabilities. These are our core demands.”
“Minimal conditions” in this case are rather steep, given that Hamas is looking for a way to still be in control in Gaza once the war is over. Both Israel and the U.S. have said that this is not an option.
The question I have been asking on our “Frontlines” livestreams on YouTubethis week: Is there a world in which Israel could stomach Hamas remaining in power if their ability to threaten Israel was defanged and they were disarmed?
As far as negotiations go, I don’t see many other diplomatic middle grounds, except for maybe Hamas leaving the enclave outright. That seems less likely, given that, by Israel’s own admission, there are still thousands of Hamas fighters in Gaza.
Netanyahu said the quiet part out loud on that: “If this can be achieved through negotiations — so be it. If not, we will achieve it through other means — by the use of force, the force of our heroic military.”
Perhaps we are “closer” to a deal, but there’s still plenty of work to be done.
Political Flexibility
The first time I visited Israel, which was in 2023 before the Oct. 7 attack, there was political unrest. Demonstrations were common occurrences as people took to the streets and protested judicial reform. At the time, it wasn’t clear if Netanyahu’s government would hold.
In the immediate aftermath of Oct. 7, as a part of the calls for accountability, there was widespread condemnation of Netanyahu and those who made up his Cabinet. Had elections been called at that time, the Netanyahu era would have ended.
But today, here we are. Netanyahu is returning to Israel without a deal secured, but arguably with more political capital than he’s had since Oct. 7. The destruction of Hezbollah and the victory over Iran in such a convincing fashion has given him a bit of lateral movement.
We see it on the ground here that approval for Netanyahu is on the rise, and there are many who believe, despite all of his imperfections, that he is the right leader in this present moment.
I can’t say with certainty how an election today would go, but I’d contend he’d fare much better than say a year and a half ago.
This isn’t exactly a new phenomenon. It’s been documented throughout American history that presidential approval ratings rise during a war as the public puts aside political disagreements to rally around their elected leader.
What is remarkable is where all of this started prior to Oct. 7, and where we are today.
Opmerkingen